Violating Human Right, continuing racial discrimination and fostering corruption why king’s
government is rescued? Is this Tantric effect or its Virtue?
Violating Human Right, continuing racial discrimination and fostering corruption why king’s government is rescued? Is this Tantric effect or its Virtue?
Obviously, in some part of the society it may be a subject of mockery to believe in mantras, tantric system, heavenly power or magic effects. But Bhutan government believes in such things and conducts such tantric yajna (ceremonies) and mantra against its adversaries and over whom it desires to control. Though prevalent since ages, from 1990 and onward it was frequently reported in kuensel (the daily newspaper of government) about invocations targeted toward king’s victory and long life.
In Bhutan, especially when some works are begun or when some threat is felt, learned tantric persons are consulted and prayers performed under their guidance to achieve desired results. To conduct these ceremonies hundreds of tantrics gather for months and months repeatedly. These big ceremonies are conducted by groups of experts nominated and financed from the government exchequer. This practice is also prevalent when important governmental positions are filled or some matches played. For this, auspicious days are finalized according to Buddhist calendar or astrology and the forecasts followed to the minutest detail. Most of the government officer makes their important journeys after consultation with these tantrics and their programs are scheduled according to their advice.
To identify threats and adversaries, special tantrics are consulted who predict the corresponding good and bad consequences and suggest preventive measures and ceremonies. These chit chats are often kept secret while some are brought up for public consumption through government media. 1990 and onward, kuensel (the government newspaper) was full with news of the conduct of such ceremonies intended albeit secretly to keep the public in king’s support and not to support the democratic movement which had begun for the second time in Bhutan in 1988.
The government sponsored history of Bhutan begins with sagas of magical events. In these series, we have the Jambay (jampe) lhakhang in Bumthang and kyichu lakhang in Paro. There are supposedly 108 temples made by Tibetan king Song Sen Gampo to exorcise the earth forever from the influence of monster elements. Next to jambay and kyichu lhakhang is the most popular tiger nest (Temple) which is believed to be the place where Guru Padma Sambhava rode on the tiger’s back and flew to this place to subdue the demon spirit that resided there during that time. This place has been made very prominent for tourists and the visiting charge is $200 per day. Next to it was the “Dobjee” Dungeon where thousands of people were kept as prisoners while some were thrown into deep gorges; obviously this place is prohibited for visit to the tourists. This place of such cruelty was used even during Jigme Singe’s era. Third example of miracle based history can be found in Bhutan history where Deva Raja of Bhutan deputed the so called Deva sena (heavenly army) during the war with British in different entry point of 18 doors which were subsequently lost territory in the war of 1865. As fourth example we can pick the topic written by Mr BS das, the first ambassador to Bhutan in the early 1970.(his wife Nirmala Bose has written Bhutan history focusing on Bhutan’s Dzongs or fort located in different districts)He speaks about the use of tantrics by home minister Tamji zagar. The minister had urged the lamas’ to pray and stop the incessant rain during the visit of Indian president MR Varah Giri Venkatarao Giri (VV GIRI). The VVIP was traveling through motorable route from Phunsoling to Thimpu because that day the weather to fly from Hashimara – Thimpu was not supportive. Likewise, King Jigme singe’s wife queen Dorjee Wangmo Wangchuk consecrated several idols under tantric tutelage wishing the wellbeing of her husband during Bodo and ULFA flush out in 2003. This time, king and son Prince Jingel Wangchuk were in the operation to flush out the ULFA and BODO militants under the full protection of the Indian army.
After hunting down the government’s one time friend (ULFA and BODO), performing of tantric practice did not stop but intensified by engaging hundreds of experts in several places at a time. For this, capital Thimpu had been converted into a tantric center by arranging month and month long holy Kanjur and Tenjur recitation. The practice was followed in all famous Dzong in turn until the resettlement of the Bhutanese refugee from Nepal to western countries were confirmed.
King’s Government used (“Sam, Dam, Danda, Bhed or using tantric, bribe, punishment and discrimination respectively) all means of cruelty and discrimination against Lhotsampa (Nepalis Bhutanese) and yet its actions are unquestioned. While international support and global donors are subject to conditionality throughout the world, the Bhutanese government has been allowed to go scot-free despite the crystal clear practice of racial discriminatory policy and ethnic cleansing.
Governments of international arena have ignored the king’s action of eviction of more than 100 thousand genuine Bhutanese of Nepalis ethnicity. They embraced the so called gross national happiness without trying to search what is hidden in it. In reality , the glamorous four pillars of gross national happiness; ( 1)conservation of environment,(2) sustainable development, (3)good governance and ( 4) preservation of culture have hidden the devil - ethnic cleansing and racial discrimination. They are successful in covering the cruelty of eviction of Nepalis Bhutanese from Bhutan or convert them to Drukpa ethnicity. In addition, transferring Nepalis Bhutanese owned landed properties in the name of settlement of people of northern Bhutan was carried under the guideline of gross happiness invented by Jigme singe Wangchuk. Likewise, the second pillar sustainable development is only an exhibiting posture. Indeed, this carries the restriction of no objection certificate or NOC to prohibit appointing Nepalis Bhutanese in the government posts who is suspected to not support government policies. In this list, post of secretaries in the ministries and directorates followed by the post in home and judiciary from top to bottom level are made effective. The third good governance is for appointing royal relatives and its henchmen in total governance mechanism either by making representative of the king the chairperson of organizations, distinguished guest in forum or key ranking officers in special duties by civil service or by election commission and judiciary or army, police and royal bodyguard’s channel to keep ever green corruption forever harvesting without question. The last pillar, so called preservation of culture, is to restrict all other costume and languages other than Ngalung languages by eliminating Sarchop, Khenkha, Nepali and other dozens of minorities’ languages. There is total prohibition of different vernacular languages even in primary level and in parliaments and offices.
Bhutan’s second effort of establishing real human right and democracy suitable to multiple societies is aborted by cruel hands. Its supporters have been smashed and scattered throughout different continents. I am picking examples of one such broken family of late Manorath Sudedi. His one son Chuda Mani is in Assam India, another in Nepal, Chabilal in Germany, Tilak in England followed by one daughter in Germany and one son in Bhutan. Rest of the Subedi brothers are residing in America. Among them, two in new Mexico and three in new Hampshire and Mr Hem lal and jhal Bahadur in other states of the united states of America . Such scattering are a common occurrence in all most all family if we counted daughters married to another family and, grandchildren of one father and mother together.
The plight of the relatives living back in Bhutan and their trauma is unimaginable and cannot be narrated. Despite having sufficient homes and properties in their possession they are homeless. They are suffering like fettered animals and treated like a “Dashyu” (bondage labor of past) by being denied of any facilities even in humanitarian ground. They cannot go or invite their family to visit Bhutan or come out to meet their exiled relatives. In case someone (actually who is in India can go without passport and visa) clandestinely entered into Bhutan to meet them, these families are listed as suspicious and branded dissident by the administration.
On the other hand, the leaders of this novel movement have been made to stand alone. They don’t have proper arrangement of meeting their basic survival needs as simple human being or part of society. For this, I begin with the name of 9th incarnation of the founder of Bhutan Sabdung Nawang Namge. His followers demanded him to resume the post of head of the nation as in the past. This popular gem of Bhutan was exiled to rescue him from the wrath of Wangchuk kings in 1963 from Talo monastery in eastern Bhutan and was welcomed by Indian envoy Nari Rustomjee stationed in Shillong (megha aya). He died in his fifties. He was denied appropriate treatment and timely diagnosis of disease despite being under the protection of government of India since 5 decades. Not only did he die in an early age, his demise became suspicious to his followers who believed that the death was directed by some hidden hand to finish off the ever formidable competition for the post of Bhutan’s golden throne. Second most popular leader from Drukpa community Mr Rongthong Kinle Dorjee was the president of Druk national congress and chairperson of united forum for democracy in Bhutan (UFD). He too was forced to die without proper care as required of one human being. Mr Dorjee was put in Tihar jail with the collusion of king of Bhutan and government of India without any guilt. He was severely suffering from the ailment occurred due to torture by the king’s agents in 1992 in Samdrup Dzonkhar jail. This man was struggling for establishing democracy in Bhutan since one and half decade. Another Drukpa leader Mr Chiku Dukpa was Rongthong kinle’s close friend and was associated to lead Sarchope community (eastern Bhutanese) for democratic reform from this region. He also was arrested in Samdrup Dzonkher and was tortured brutally. It resulted in the burst of his internal artery and was forced to carry a swollen stomach since 1992. He could not repair his puffy stomach because dissidents were not allowed any treatment in those days in the so called good governance of king jigme singe Wangchuk. After getting released from jail he came to India for treatment but it was frustratingly very late. He died in exile due to that torture at an early age.
Fourth, Dasho Tek Nath Rizal was very sharp and an intelligent person by birth. He had sound health until he was arrested in 1988. Sadly he became diabetic during jail life. Thereafter, his sickness has been multiplying one after another...god knows the cruel methodology used against him in the jail. Now he pushes insulin daily with several other medicines for regulating his illnesses. He has explained his trauma in his book “torture killing me softly” where a vivid description of the torture that a prisoner is subjected to is explained.
Fifth, Mr Ratan Gajmer is an activist to establish human right and democracy in Bhutan from Samchi national institute of education. He was put in jail for years. He contracted heart disease and forced to do open heart surgery. He too could have had accessed preventive health care had there been possibility of proper health monitoring during his years in jail.
Sixth, R B Basnet was a football and tennis player. He had no ailment but after leading Bhutan national Democratic Party he began to suffer from internal artery bleeding and died in his early 60s in KathMandu Bir Hospital. His dead body was brought to kankai Mai River where thousands of fellow Bhutanese were cremated during early stage of camp establishment. MR Basnet has left behind his bereft wife Manikala Basnet, daughter Roma Basnet, Rajani Basnet and Rupa Basnet in exile.
Seventh, Dr Bhampa Rai’s wife is suffering from chronic kidney problem and her treatment now depends on the blessing of the all mighty omnipotent despite the support of his fellow Bhutanese communities to support him financially in her treatment.
I also was actively involved in the call for democratic reforms since my student life in India and had met Devi Bhakta Lamitare in 1968 in Vrindavan. On returning back to Bhutan, I worked with Teknath Rizal and RB Basnet while I was representing Gaylegphu constituency. In exile DNS Dhakal, Rongthong Kuenle and SB Subba were my friend in the democratic movement along with many friends from BPP and PFHR. Unfortunately I too contracted heart disease causing my arteries to be blocked 70%, 90% and 100% as per the report of angiography and ultrasound done at Sahid Gangalal Hospital. All this could be possible through the kindness of Dr Bhagawan Koirala. I was suggested to undergo surgery but was unable to do so until I proceeded to the United States of America.
While living in the UNHCR monitored refugee camps in Khudunabari, Jhapa, Nepal I tried by best to get treatment and approached AMDA Nepal (the agency responsible for health ) which denied my request as follows :” This is to certify that Mr Hari Prasad Adhikari 55 years male from khudunabari Camp, sec B3/84 is been suffering from coronary Arterial Disease . He has been referred up to tertiary level hospital for medical management. Referral hospital has suggested that he needs an angiography. The case was put in the monthly referral board meeting held on 22 august 2007. As the medical referral policy doesnot cover procedure like angiography, the request of Angiography investigation was denied”. (sealed and signed of Nirmal Rimal, MBBS; Phd, project Director)”.
Immediately after this , I approached the UNHCR representative Mr Abraham ABRAHM in Kathmandu , he wrote the following letter to Dr Bhagawan Koirala , executive Director and chief of Shahid Gangalal National heart center , BasBari kath Mandu as follow :
“I am taking the liberty of writing you concerning Mr Hari Prasad Adhikari, a refugee from Bhutan residing in Khudunabari camp in jhapa district, who has been suffering from Coronary Arterial Disease. He was advised to undergo an angiography by examining doctor. However, procedures such as angiography are not covered according to UNHCR’s medical referral policy for refugees.
We would be extremely grateful if there is any possibility that this patient could be assisted by your hospital on humanitarian basis for this treatment.
Owning to urgency of the require treatment, we look forward to receiving your timely response. Please do not hesitate to contact us if you require any further information.
Thanking you for your kind attention and co- operation. (Seal and signed of Abrahm ABRAHM, representative, dated 24 September 2007.
Despite toiling hard “I was unlucky to be denied medical treatment as a refugee under UNHCR’s policy which forced me to choose third country settelement to remain alive and abandon my life long struggle to bring constitutional monarchy under full control of democracy in Bhutan available to all people’s benefit.
Now S. B Subba (Suk Bahadur Subba) is struggling with a chronic diabetes in exile. So far, he has been able to manage his medicine and regular checkups but the situation seems to be getting out of control according to his frustrated appeal to Bhutanese community in western nations. He is seeking help to go to Christian medical college, south India for reliable diagnosis of his kidneys and the extent of damage caused to it due to his diabetic condition. In this situation, I believe, many would like to help him after reading his painful appeal. With respect to his great contribution in 23 years “BANBAS” (exile) I feel that the truth about his sincere sacrifices should not go into hibernation or get distorted with time. I could not keep myself silent so I am putting forth the following truth about him which I know since 1988 to 2007 (until the date I worked with him in BRRRC). They are as follows: every Bhutanese were either curious or stressed to know about things in social & political landscape of Bhutan. For example, in the offices in Thimpu, specially the person in high ranks, were worried about the legitimacy of the queen and crown prince because king had been playing with four ladies who sired several kids. Eastern Bhutanese were whispering with each other about their own share in governance and discrimination since centuries. On the other hand southern Bhutanese had been made victims by forcing them to change their culture, language and faith .Thus 1980s and early nineties was uncertain times in Bhutan. In this environment we (SB and me) met and began our deliberations about the Governments attempt in ethnic cleansing in Bhutan targeting the Nepali Bhutanese and their landed property through greenbelt policy.
Actually, Mr Subba originally was from Neoley (Samdrup Dzonkher District) Bhutan had migrated to Gaylegphu by purchasing a piece of 3 acre land near the reserve tank of drinking water supply for Gaylegphu municipality and constructed a pukka house to reside there. He was married to a sober ethnic Lepcha girl, MRS Meena ji from Phunsoling subdivision. She was a trained teacher and working in government school under education department. This couple has one cute daughter and a gentle son. They were a happy family and were able to maintain a comfortable lifestyle. But, being a social animal he could not be confined in family comfort. so he started to meet Dasho Tek Nath Rizal ignoring government restriction to not meet him. Dasho had directly come to Gaylegphug from Thimpu where he had a 3 storeyed building at Gaylegphug town and a 4 acre land near Seti khaere , (a seasonal ravine). We three (myself, MR Subba and Dasho Rizal) became village mate in Gaylegphung and tried to understand each other’s personal and sociopolitical opinion. But Mr Rizal could not remain in Bhutan because of government’s clandestine harassment and surveillance. So he decided to go into exile aiming to make the general public of Bhutan aware about the worsening human right situation. For this, he wanted to garner international support. Nevertheless, leaving his mother land was not an easy decision emotionally, politically and practically, yet for the betterment of tomorrow and listening to his conscience he made that sacrifice. Consequently he chose to leave Bhutan temporarily, but no one dared to help him cross the border with his belonging and important papers in his possession while working as team leader in auditing various departments and districts to determine the corruption done by government authority. At that crucial juncture, Mr Subba accompanied him to a safe place (Rani khata) in India to Netra Prasad Baral’s resident. Mr Baral was Rijal’s former village mate from lamidara and had been residing there.
Mr Subba’s daring act impressed me; our trust in each other increased and we became close friends. Our meetings became more frequent though I was in no position to move around due to district administration’s direction. Mr Subba used to come to my resident at a point three kilometers on the Gaylegphung Tongsha high ways where we spent hours analyzing about ongoing Bhutan’s political scenario with special implication towards the southern Bhutanese if something was not taken as its precaution and protection. Situation demanded urgent intervention to protest against ongoing racial discrimination toward Nepali population. It had also become necessary to resist Governments restrictive attitude towards access of public properties by the Nepali community and the use of Nepali language since the inception of modern Bhutan. On top of this, we were concerned about the king’s four girlfriends and their undeclared children because historically Lhostampa population preferred to support legitimate and ideal king according to community’s tradition. The situation became murkier when Dasho Rizal was abducted from Nepal and Ratan Gajmer was arrested from Samchi National institution of education. One event followed another; the declaration of a demonstration from Garganda tea estate to Phuntsholing by the Bhutan people’s party (BPP) had sent the Bhutanese government into a tailspin. BPP’s expedition of mobilizing mass and donation from sipsu to Daifam including Thimpu and other major cities were the byproduct of the situation. According to Bhutan’s laws, no one can give or take any kinds of donation and can participate in such movement. In case of such happening, participants were directly treated as treacherous under tsa-wa- sum and punished.
Insomuch due to mass mobilization of BPP, around 2000 (In Garganda only when we reached, there were 1300 hundred Bhutanese) people had come into exile to participate in the demonstration with the hope of an early return after its completion. But the hope was misplaced since government was waiting for such an excuse to evict the Nepali population from Bhutan. Also it was confident that there was no dependable support to sustain such movement by dissident group from India. In this regard, Royal government of Bhutan (RGOB) had sufficient intelligence report that there were insufficient provisions for food, shelter and finance for a sustained period of time.
With a government on rampage against one of its ethnic community, every conscious citizen had to be concerned about the plight of their ethnic brothers and sisters. There were considerable reasons for political reorientations and letters of support to every prominent person for supporting the movement from within, but the government’s tentacles had them under close scrutiny. Bhutan then was under a disguised martial law. Using the protection of a brutal government, unscrupulous elements in positons of authority began to encroach on prime properties belonging to southern Bhutanese. Every trick in the book from coercion, threats to bribery were resorted to.
Baffled by such draconian attitude of the government, we (I, SB and Meghanath Sapkota) decided to go into exile and join the movement. We felt that to the movement needed to be streamlined towards the human Right declaration of UNO of December 10th 1948. Accordingly, Mr Subba left Bhutan on 23 August while Megnath and me on 24 august 1990 and gathered at Deo shree, Assam. Next day we reached Garganda on August, 25, 1990. By then, the proposed demonstration rally of Bhutan People party on 26 august 1990 was confirmed to be blocked by Indian administration and further steps were uncertain.
After reaching there, we decided to restart Mr Tek Nath Rizal’s stalled works which had been in limbo due to his abduction. We, (Me, Subba and Kishore) initiated to mobilize human right support locally and internationally and started to collect food and medicine needed to those exiled people to cure their disease first. At the same time, we proposed to arrange peaceful sitting in India and Nepal to highlight the racial discrimination in Bhutan. Also, we widened the working modality from Assam and Bengal’s tea garden and got green signal from stakeholders groups. We began with one day hunger strike in front of SAARC secretariat building in Kathmandu, Jantar Mantar in Delhi and Ram gad in Garganda. To achieve these objectives, our group ( Me and Subba along with other friends ) proceeded to Kath Mandu for sitting in hunger strike scheduled on September 7, 1990 , in front of SAARC secretariat building . Next day , we met Nepalis congress troika Shree Ganesh Man Sing Jee , Krisna Prasad Bhattarai ji( interim prime minister ) and General secretary Girija Prasad who declared official support for Bhutan’s human Rights and democratic movement, In Nepalis congress press release, honorable Girija Prasad Koirala requested the king of Bhutan to respect the human rights and democracy demanded by his subjects by adopting dialogue with them.
After Nepal’s trip, we proceeded to Sikkim and met Chief Minister Narbahadur Bhandari (he had declared his support to Bhutanese movement from Kal Chini gathering). Immediately after Sikkim’s trip, we attended world human right conference scheduled in New Delhi on 10 December 1990. This conference was chaired by chief justice PN Bhagawati. There we succeeded to encounter the representative of Bhutanese embassy S Rabgay who tried to refute our claim stating that there is excellent peace and tranquility, During our stay in Delhi , we met Ravi Nair ( SB became close friend of him ), justice krisna aiyar and Rishikesh Sah and requested them to support us ( Bhutan’s human right issue ) to internationalize Bhutan’s human right situation, focusing on Dasho Tek Nath Rizal and all other captives from southern Bhutan imprisoned in different jail of Bhutan.
In Delhi itself, we decided to revitalize the organization (PFHR , )to spearhead human right activities and arranged a meeting in Jawaharlal national university ( JNU) where our accommodation was provided by local human right activist. There, we filled official portfolios vacated after Dasho Teknath, Jogen Gajmer and Sushil Pokhrel’s arrest. We unanimously selected S.B as acting chairman ( not full chairman because until Rizal and his associate were released from Bhutanese jail the post of chairmanship was decided to be kept empty in honor of Dasho Rizal ) of PFHR ,I as chief advisor , B.B Thapa as liaison officer and Kishor Rai as general secretary . These executives decided to publish newspaper, Amar Bhutan under PFHR from exile. Again, I got the responsibility of correspondence and editor of this paper and accelerated to highlight all atrocities occurring in Bhutan. Amar Bhutan became very popular in all entry points of Bhutan, Assam and Bengal and in refugee affected area of Nepal, Sikkim and Darjeling. Government agents in all these places became alert and collected them for their consumption or information.
Side by side, PFHR emphasized to create refugee camp in Indian soil where hundreds of Bhutanese were taking private shelter in pathetic situations. For this, we met concerned local leaders such as Swarup Upadhyaya MP, Kul Bahadur chetri minister, Padam Bahadur chauwan ex minister in Assam, home minister Indrajit Gupta of India followed by Chief Minister Jyoti bashu, minister Nirmal Bose and Viman Bose of west Bengal and Hiteswar Saikia of Assam. Unfortunately, sometime later our human right situation became less worthy in comparison to Bhutan’s hydroelectricity potential to power hungry Indian leaders. The king of Bhutan succeeded to trade off his atrocious policies towards the Nepali Bhutanese with low cost hydroelectricity. This gift from the absolute king to leaders of the largest democratic government of India (P.V NaraSimha Rao or congress I Government) and regional governments became the biggest instrument to sponsor cruelty towards Bhutanese human right activist and Bhutanese people taking shelter in Indian soil. They picked us like rats caught by a furious cat and dumped us in Indian private ugly trucks toward Nepal.
This tradeoff became the single biggest instrument to inflict misery towards the Nepali Bhutanese and convert them into stateless refugees overnight. Being a media restricted country, the government’s stranglehold over media coverage was total. Taking advantage of the situation, king’s government of Bhutan began evicting villages after village through militia. Houses of southern Bhutanese were burnt down, rape and arson were the order of the day and thousands would cross into the Indian border for safety. Helping Bhutan government in its heinous act, the police of Assam and Bengal packed victims into trucks and dispatched them toward Nepal. Words are insufficient to explain such trauma that continued up to UNHCR takeover of relief measures. Kankai River’s camp saw the death of around two thousand elderly and babies who could not survive the harsh reality of unhygienic conditions and over crowdedness. To create better conditions Mr S.B Subba shouldered great responsibility as acting chairman of Human Right organization of Bhutan, (HUROB). (PFHR was converted to HUROB to accommodate shree Bhim Subba, Rakesh Chhetri, Mandhoj Tamang and Dil Prasad Basnet and others by respecting their wish). Subba and his team hardly took rest until UNHCR began to shift the refugees to Timai, Beldagi 1.2.3, Goldhap and Khudunabari with basic arrangement of food, shelter, medicine and education to the Bhutanese refugees.
Mr Subba’s contributions do not end here. He continued advocating the plight of human right abuse in Bhutan by participating in numerous seminars, conferences and demonstrations held in Nepal and India under the banner of HUROB. He continued to work with the Kathmandu group in publishing Bhutan Review newspaper in English. This paper was instrumental in informing the international community through their embassies stationed in capital of Nepal.
S.B was in jail in Alipur Dwar during the demonstration of Bhutanese coalition for democratic movement (BCDM). He was there until government of India released the remaining 14-16 persons unconditionally who were arrested while participating in a demonstration in front of gate way of Bhutan, Phunsoling by the west Bengal administration.
His role as district representative from Samdrup Dzonkher in Bhutanese refugee representative repatriation committee (BRRRC) was another remarkable contribution made by him. In this umbrella organization, Dr DNS Dhakal was from Chirang, Bhim or me from Sarbhang and Ratan Gazmer from Samchi with other 26 executive members in BRRRC. Mr subba lead the organization as chairman and oversaw two historical events : ( 1) A complete documentation of almost every hut in the refugee camps of Jhapa and Morang along with their citizenship status of Bhutan was conducted and submitted to the human rights commission chief in Geneva. ( 2) He engaged the concerned former assembly members, Mandals, Karbari, Gaunbuda of related Bhutanese refugees and villages in Bhutan to complete the entire documentation process. These documents accommodated details of all properties of Bhutanese refugee seized by government of Bhutan. The documentation is the only one where all most all Bhutanese refugees’ detailed report is available (except few left over huts) .These documents will be a source of genuine reference for all concerned to uncover the truth behind the Bhutanese imbroglio and for those who seek to work towards justice of these deprived people scattered all over the world. Also Mr SB coordinated and supported the refugee aiding agencies specially UNHCR for third country settlement when repatriation option did not provide any breakthrough due to the adamant posture of King Jigme Singe Wangchuk.
Now, SB has spent twenty three years and four months in exile leaving his wife and daughter behind in Bhutan. He is suffering heavily in exile while his family is suffering the ignominy of belonging to the family of a dissident. His pucka house in Gaylegphug had been bulldozed and 3 acres land confiscated. Now, neither he can bring his wife with him nor hope to reunite with them as the chance of repatriation becomes bleaker by the day. To compound the situation, the years of difficulty has begun to take its toll on his health to the extent that meeting doctors’ fees for consultation and medication has become a burden. Also, it is suspected that his kidneys are in panic situation, according to his “frustrated appeal to Bhutanese in third country settlement. In his invocation, he has asked simple help for at least diagnosis in Christian medical college in Velour south India. I wish this great servant of Bhutanese community will get help and sympathy from all his friends in third country and elsewhere at least on humanitarian ground for all the services he has rendered to the preservation and protection of a community damned by its own government.